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Workers are covering 10 large drain pipes with soil, grass and sandbags to create shelters at Dan Nuea village in tambon Phu Pha Mok in Kantharalak district of this northeastern border province.

It is part of a plan to ensure safety for villagers living near the disputed border area and the Preah Vihear temple.

Ban Dan Nuea is not the only place where the shelters are being built. The government has allocated 40 million baht to build shelters in three districts: Khun Han, Phu Sing and Kantharalak.

The areas deemed most at risk are five tambons in Kantharalak: Phu Pha Mok, Bung Malu, Sao Thongchai, Rung and Noan Samran.

The fresh money has been set aside for the project because of fears that protests by Thais against Cambodia could spark a fresh military confrontation between the two countries.

The latest rally by People's Alliance for Democracy demonstrators took place on Saturday.

Nobody knows when the next protest will be while ownership of the 4.6 square kilometre area claimed by the two countries remains unsettled.

"We can't say bunkers aren't necessary. Problems could erupt at any time," said Col Warakorn Tukammi, head of a civil affairs unit attached to the 2nd Army.

Tambon Sao Thongchai is among areas in the three districts only 2.5km from the Preah Vihear temple ruins and is considered a high risk.

Village houses were once damaged by stray shells from Cambodia, said Col Warakorn, stressing the need to protect villagers' lives.

His unit is responsible for giving advice on how to build safe shelters while the Department of Disaster Prevention and Mitigation pays for their construction, Si Sa Ket governor Rapi Pongbuppakij said.

Construction worker Pornchai Asipong said the shelters would be erected in house gardens and the compounds of schools and temples.

He said the shelters were stronger than make-shift bunkers made by villagers and some could accommodate between 30 and 50 people.

"Safe bunkers have three sizes: small, medium and large. The large one will be built in public or community areas such as temples and schools. The small size is for houses considered to be in danger areas," the worker said.

Sai Thaethaisong, a former village head in tambon Sao Thongchai, said it was unpleasant to cram into a shelter. He and his neighbours once had to sit in water in a shelter for many nights over 30 years ago during Cambodia's internal struggles with the Khmer Rouge.

"Villagers fear fresh fighting," Mr Sai said.

"In fact, they have lived with Cambodians for so long no one cares if there is an overlapping area. They just earn their living and have never been interested in who invades whose land."

When the PAD rallied on Saturday near the disputed area to protest against Cambodians allegedly occupying the area, their attempts to enter the area were blocked by Si Sa Ket villagers and ended in a clash between the protesters, villagers and police.

"We ask the PAD not to come back here. Villagers have had enough trouble," said Banyong Tangsuk, village head of Ban Phumsarol, which has suffered shelling in the past.

By demonstrating over a land area adjoining the ancient Preah Vihear temple complex last week ahead of the third anniversary of Thailand's latest military coup on Sept 19, a faction of the royalist-nationalist People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) shrewdly stole the thunder that was supposed to belong to the pro-Thaksin Shinawatra red-shirted movement. Weeks of build-up to the red shirts' anti-coup anniversary protest were eclipsed by the yellow shirts' days of escalation from patriotism and nationalism to chauvinism and veiled irredentism.

Under the aegis of the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD), the red shirts and their sit-ins at public gathering areas are a recurrent phenomenon. Their largest and most sustained street demonstration from late March to the Songkran riots has been instructive for them. They can protest all they want but they do not have the tipping point that comes with the right backing.

The red shirts have since acted with more restraint. As an evolving social movement, their numbers are wide but increasingly divided along the fault lines of Thaksin Shinawatra and the coup.

All reds are anti-coup. Yet there are many more non-reds who are also anti-coup and anti-post coup. Thaksin is thus a walking divisiveness in exile, even to the reds, and especially among anti-coup groups. The reds will now work on another build-up for their protest next month. Their disbandment around midnight last Saturday, early by their own standards, stood in deliberate contrast to what the yellows were doing near Preah Vihear temple.

Also a developing social movement, the PAD has become a leading agenda setter with quasi-veto power over political outcomes. They can prevent outcomes as well as determine them under certain circumstances. The drawn-out police chief appointment is a case in point.

Preah Vihear is an ongoing controversy. At issue is how far to reach back in history. Going back a century means righting the wrongs of French imperialist cartography that betrayed agreed watershed demarcation. Going back to 1962 means abiding by international law that awarded the temple to Cambodia. In the decades since, both Thais and Cambodians have roundly benefited from border trade and tourism. While Phnom Penh has registered the temple as a World Heritage Site, both the Thais and the Cambodians need to jointly develop the adjoining 4.6sqkm. The area is not much good to Thailand without the temple. Possession of the temple is equally not as useful without its land approach. And Bangkok would oppose unilateral registration of the contested land if it emerges.

While it has been detrimental to local livelihoods, the continuing stalemate over Preah Vihear and its landscape has fuelled the Thai political crisis. It was a hot potato for the two elected governments last year, and it will be a thorn in the side of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's government in the coming weeks.

What the PAD protesters have done near Preah Vihear bears a number of ramifications. In the short term, it diverted the spotlight from the reds. In the longer term, however, it may well turn off some of the rank-and-file yellows and the pro-Establishment non-yellows who are pro-coup and anti-Thaksin. This dilemma was reflected in the absence of the PAD's main leadership who did not join the protest in Si Sa Ket province. Instead, a second-tier leader spearheaded the march.

Thai-Cambodian relations will not benefit from the PAD's posturing. The bilateral relationship has deteriorated steadily since the torching of the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh in early 2003. Historical tensions run deep on both sides. The bilateral spat and occasional armed skirmishes will cast a cloud over the upcoming Asean summit next month. It will also expose yet another dimension of Asean's structural impotence and operational inefficacy, notwithstanding the problematic Asean Charter. The Thai-Cambodian stand-off will thus have to be resolved bilaterally. Nationalist sentiments that verge on xenophobia, chauvinism and irredentism must be kept at bay.

At home, the Preah Vihear imbroglio is likely to be played for domestic gains. The PAD protests in Si Sa Ket were under the nose of the 2nd Infantry Division, whose units entered service in the dispersal and suppression of the red-shirted riots in Bangkok on April 13. That these units were uninvolved in preventing the yellows to go so far, suggests the PAD can simply get away with more than their arch-nemesis. They seem to have an enigmatic entitlement about them, an aura and attitude that they can always get their way.

The political capital from the PAD's Preah Vihear wrath may also be parlayed to determine domestic outcomes. With its locomotives all revved up and ready to rumble, the PAD can now turn to its domestic preferences. It can now bring even more pressure to bear on the Abhisit government to go its way, particularly on the appointment of the new police chief, concurrently stirring a royalist-nationalist tide for its New Politics Party ahead of the next polls.

The writer is Director of the Institute of Security and International Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University.

Anti-corruption officials are accusing 12 people, including former foreign minister Noppadon Pattama, of misconduct over the signing of a joint communique with Cambodia concerning the Preah Vihear temple.

National Anti-Corruption Commission will release the findings of its inquiry into allegations about the communique today, but yesterday would not say who the 12 were. But a source close to the commission's inquiry confirmed Mr Noppadon, a former lawyer for ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, was among them.

Serving cabinet members and government officials are included in the investigation into the role of 44 people in connection with the signing of the Preah Vihear communique.

NACC member and spokesman Klanarong Chantik said the commission had yet to decide whether to formally accuse 32 individuals over the communique in which Thailand gave support for Cambodia's unilateral registration of the ancient Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage site with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco).

The communique was declared illegal as it had not been approved by the parliament as required by law.

The decision on the 32 individuals would be made on Sept 29, the NACC spokesman said.

He said the delay was caused by the adjournment of yesterday's NACC meeting when chairman Panthep Klanarongran had to leave to attend a senator selection at parliament.

Mr Noppadon was foreign minister in the Samak Sundaravej administration when the communique was signed. It had not received prior consent from the parliament as required by Article 190 of the 2007 constitution.

The NACC yesterday did not say if Mr Noppadon was among the 12 people being formally accused.

Its decision to name the 12 for further legal action ignores the recommendation of its fact-finding subcommittee that only Mr Noppadon formally face prosecution, the source said.

The subcommittee, headed by Somluck Jadkrabuanpol, thought the evidence was sufficient to implicate only Mr Noppadon and that the others under investigation should be spared further legal action, the source said.

The panel felt that if formal charges were laid, they would likely be acquitted.

Mr Noppadon signed the joint communique with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An on June 18 last year.

The Constitution Court later ruled the communique unconstitutional as it had bypassed parliamentary approval. Mr Noppadon later resigned as a political row raged over his decision to recognise Cambodia's right to Preah Vihear, which Thailand has never fully accepted.

The ministers investigated by the NACC who served under Mr Samak and are now in the present cabinet are Deputy Prime Minister Sanan Kachornprasart, Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti, Information and Communications Minister Ranongruk Suwunchwee and Deputy Finance Minister Pradit Phataraprasit.

Thailand has not only been plagued by divisive domestic political turmoil. Its relations with neighboring Cambodia have also deteriorated and intensified, resulting in fatal clashes along their common border.

Competing political factions have incessantly used nationalism to legitimize their political activities. The violent confrontation between Thai nationalists and Cambodian villagers in the past few days could further strain this vulnerable bilateral relationship.

Nationalism in Thailand has become a highly destructive force both in domestic and international politics. From late 2007, in their campaign to topple the governments that emerged from the post-coup elections, the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), and some elements of the Democrat Party, claimed to represent the true face of Thai nationalism.

In this, they claimed to stand on the side of righteousness by protecting the nation’s territorial integrity, to rid the people of corrupt politicians, and in their duty to challenge an allegedly predatory neighbor.

Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and successive pro-Thaksin governments were grouped together with alien foreigners, like Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen, who was regarded as a deranged person. These alien characters were represented as having a single objective: selling the country out and tarnishing the good reputation of Thailand built up by past monarchs.

The conflict over the Preah Vihear Temple, to the PAD, was indeed a conflict between those who are true Thais versus Thaksin suporters. It saw its duty as that of protecting Thailand’s national interests, and the best way to do so was to stir up nationalistic feelings.

At first glance, nationalism seemed to serve the political need of both the PAD and the Democrat Party. Both were unable to unseat Thaksin-backed governments of Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat and to uproot Thaksin’s influence in politics. The Preah Vihear Temple issue emerged at the right moment when the PAD and also the military that supported anti-Thaksin sentiment were facing a legitimacy crisis themselves.

But little did they know that in employing the Preah Vihear conflict to eliminate Thaksin, the PAD was also jeopardizing its position in politics, and in particular endangering its representation of Thai nationalism. It played along with the theme of lost territories, falsifying historical facts and portraying Thailand as a vulnerable state perpetually victimized by immoral foreigners.

In this paranoid narrative, Thaksin was helping immoral foreigners to take away the country’s sacred assets and pride. The PAD then adopted certain nationalistic tactics against its opponents, such as condemning them for selling out the country and through its own rhetoric provoking military confrontations with the Cambodians.

The reality is that Preah Vihear Temple belongs to Cambodia, according to the International Court of Justice ruling of 1962. But the loss became an unacceptable political reality because it deals with the national pride that has been deeply ingrained in the mindset of Thais.

The outcome of these political tactics has been destructive. Thai domestic politics has become increasingly polarized. Thailand’s relations with Cambodia have reached a critical point, verging on full-blown war. Who has gained what out of this nationalistic crusade?

As a consequence, the issue of overlapping territories returned to the attention of the Thai public. The spirit of nationhood was high. Thaksin was once again labeled as a Thai who betrayed his motherland.

However, the PAD also became a casualty in the game of nationalism. It opened up a Pandora’s box of bewilderment about Thai self-identity. Was the PAD brand of nationalism a reflection of the Thai way to express love for country?

Didn’t its call for war with Cambodia run against its earlier representations of Thainess: of being a peaceful nation, as enunciated in the words of Thailand’s national anthem?

The PAD might have found nationalism an effective way of deposing of the Thaksin-backed regimes in the past, but the nationalist flame has been fanned and the conflagration has shown the potential to rage out of control.

The latest clashes near the Thai-Cambodian border demonstrated that the PAD is not willing to give up its nationalist tactics.

This is perhaps due to the fact that the PAD recently transformed itself into a legitimate political party—the New Politics Party. It now hopes to exploit the Preah Vihear Temple issue to score political points should elections be called by the current government in the next few months.

It is therefore anticipated that the temple issue will become more intense as Thailand heads into an even more uncertain future.

Dr Pavin Chachavalpongpun is a visiting research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.

The National Anti-Corruption Commission is ready to decide on Tuesday whether to indict 36 people including ministers of the Samak Sundaravej cabinet and state officials charged in connection with the cabinet approval on June 17 last year for Thailand to sign a joint communique with Cambodia without seeking advice from parliament, NACC member Somluck Jadkrabuanpol said on Monday.

The joint communique was to support Cambodia's application to list the Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage site.

The NACC on Nov 13 last year decided to press charges against the Samak cabinet members, except four who were absent, for negligence of duty and violation of Article 190 of the constitution, and certain state officials for malfeasance.

Mrs Somluck said the anti-graft agency has thoroughly studied the investigation report on the case and would tomorrow decide whether to indict the 36 accused.

Of the 36, four are members of the current government. They are Deputy Prime Minister Sanan Kachornprasart, Deputy Finance Minister Pradit Pattaraprasit, Information and Communication Minister Ranongrak Suwanchawee, and Interior Minister Chavarat Charnvirakul.

PHNOM PENH, Sept. 21 (Xinhua) -- Cambodian historians and scholars have appealed to the Thai "Yellow Shirts" protesters to stop demanding the land of 4.6 square kilometers near the 11th-century Khmer Preah Vihear temple, the website of DAP News said on Monday.

"Those Thai protesters have confused the history and their demands are incorrect," IV Chan, a deputy chairman and historian of the Royal Academy of Cambodia (RAC) was quoted by DAP Cambodia news as saying.

"We also requested those Thai protesters to respect international border treaty between Siam ( Thailand) and French colony (representative of Cambodia) in 1904-1907 and the verdict of international court which claimed in 1962 that Preah Vihear temple belongs to Cambodia."

"There is no overlapping area at the area and both countries have boundary line for over 100 years," he said.

Additionally, Kim Saron, a senior member of history and culture affairs department of RAC said that Cambodia and Thailand have already established the committee of Khmer-Thai culture and they have met each other for several times to write important documents of the two countries.

"Those Thai extremists have to know about their history and culture, and should also know the cultures and histories of neighboring countries like Cambodia," Kim added.

A group of Thai protesters from People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), also called "Yellow Shirts," held a rally near Preah Vihear Temple at the weekend to protest the mishandling of Thai governments over the disputed border area with Cambodia, and planned to move into the are that is claimed by Thailand to hold the protest rally at the areas.

Cambodian and Thai armed forces have tightened security at border near the temple to prevent any rally protests.

The two neighboring countries share a nearly 800-kilometer-longcommon border and they have never fully demarcated their land border.

The UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) approved Cambodia's bid to list Preah Vihear Temple as the World Heritage Site, in July 2008. Since then, the temple and its adjacent area have become the sites of border conflict between Cambodia and Thailand.

Yellow-shirt activist Veera Somkwamkid yesterday vowed to uphold Thai sovereignty over 4.6 square kilometres of terrain near Preah Vihear Temple claimed by Cambodia. Veera also threatened to take legal action against officials condoning the encroachment.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said his government was trying to resolve border problems via the legal process and not force.

Former premier Thaksin Shinawatra said on Twitter that Preah Vihear actually does belong to Cambodia by a decision of the International Court of Justice.

He accused the government of favouritism for letting the yellow shirts, who clashed with local villagers in Si Sa Ket on Saturday, read out a statement reaffirming Thailand's dominion over the temple area.

Local villagers had tried to block access to the area by the yellow shirts.

To pacify the rival groups, authorities allowed Veera and about 30 yellow shirts to climb up to Pha Mor-I-Daeng, a cliff inside the Phra Wiharn National Park located in Kantharalak district opposite the temple, to read the declaration.

"We Thai patriots want to declare our intent to form a people's network to restore Thai sovereignty to the surrounding areas of Prasat Phra Wiharn," Veera said.

He pledged to pursue every legal means to reclaim Thai territory. He also warned officials that they would be penalised if they were caught involved in the territorial violations.

He went on to complain against the Cambodian government for allowing Cambodian villagers and soldiers to settle and build a road on Thai soil.

He called for an immediate withdrawal by Cambodia from Thai property. He urged the Thai military to take action under martial law to repel the transgression.

The five co-leaders of the People's Alliance for Democracy have remained in close contact with Veera and the people's network over the temple issue, PAD spokesman Suriyasai Katasila said.

The PAD fully backed the attempts to protect Thai territorial integrity and was not back-pedalling from Veera as alleged, he said.

The scuffle between the villagers and yellow shirts was instigated by the authorities, he said, adding that the yellow shirts were not going on the warpath to recover land lost to neighbouring countries.

"We agree with the option for a negotiated settlement of the border dispute and do not want war, but the government must be clear about the timetable and guidelines for negotiations," he said.

Abhisit said police were trying to mediate between the rival groups but the running battle broke out because the barricades were inadequate.

He insisted that Thailand has not surrendered sovereignty over the disputed areas and that the two countries have already agreed to forge a peaceful settlement.

He said his government had no hidden agenda but just the desire to safeguard Thai territory.

He admitted, however, that several border issues were too sensitive to bring up in public, so interested parties should hold discreet discussions with the government in order to update themselves on the status.

Democrat MP Boonyod Sukthinthai said Veera and the PAD should soften their stance on the temple issue in order to avoid inflaming the stand-off.

"It looks like Thais are fighting Thais and becoming the laughing stock for Cambodians," he said.